HistoricalChristian.Faith

Were the brethren Joseph’s sons by a former marriage? — the Epiphanian reading on its merits

Type: supporting argument (off-timeline) · Assessment: contested — that the “brethren of the Lord” were Joseph’s sons by a marriage before he espoused Mary — the Epiphanian reading — is a coherent, unstrained interpretation that gives “brother” its natural sense, carries the earliest and only pre-fourth-century attestation, and is defended by serious modern scholars; among the three historic solutions it beats the Hieronymian (cousin) reading decisively and shares the field only with the Helvidian (Mary’s own later sons). But it has no positive New Testament proof-text: it rests on a former marriage nowhere mentioned in Scripture, its two positive scriptural props (the entrustment to John; the antiquity of the tradition) are each themselves only contested, and its one clean win over the Helvidian — the reputed-kinship rebuttal — merely neutralises an objection rather than establishing the reading. Most modern exegetes prefer the Helvidian, and its own best defender (Bauckham) judges the choice between the two undecidable — strong by the lights of patristic tradition, weaker by those of grammatical-historical exegesis, with no decider in the text · weighed with J. B. Lightfoot as its best modern advocate and Richard Bauckham (who holds it) as its fairest critic

Related arguments: the Epiphanian (stepbrother) reading — see also Is the second-century stepbrother tradition memory or Marian construct? · Does Joseph’s reputed fatherhood license the brethren-title?

The claim

… these brethren were in fact sons of Joseph by a former wife, before he espoused the Virgin; and… they are therefore called the Lord’s brethren only in the same way in which Joseph is called His father.

— J. B. Lightfoot, defining the reading he adopts.1 Where the companion page asks the positive question of the rival reading — taken on its own evidence, were the brethren the children Mary bore after Jesus? — this page asks the symmetric one: taken on its own evidence, how strong is the reading that they were Joseph’s sons by an earlier marriage, no blood-kin of Mary at all? That is the Epiphanian reading, named for the fourth-century bishop who gave it its fullest statement but far older than he; it preserves the perpetual virginity while giving “brother” its ordinary sense. The interpretation is weighed here, not any one modern proponent of it.

Who advances it

The Epiphanian reading is the ancient Eastern solution: it is assumed in the second-century infancy traditions, taken for granted by Eusebius, and expounded at length by Epiphanius of Salamis (c. 377), who held that James “was Joseph’s son by Joseph’s [first] wife, not by Mary.”2 Its ablest modern advocate is J. B. Lightfoot, whose 1865 dissertation named the three theories and, weighing them, reached the verdict that on the Scriptural notices alone “the Hieronymian account must be abandoned; while of the remaining two the balance of the argument is against the Helvidian and in favour of the Epiphanian.”1 That it still commands serious defence is best shown from a scholar who holds it while conceding its limits: Richard Bauckham adopts the Epiphanian reading in his own reconstruction of Jesus’ family, yet reports that the Helvidian is the view “probably most modern exegetes… hold,” and concludes that “the historical evidence is not sufficient for a firm decision between the Helvidian and Epiphanian views.”3

The evidence for

It gives “brother” its natural sense. Unlike the Hieronymian (cousin) reading, the Epiphanian requires no lexical special-pleading: the “brethren” are literal brothers of one household, sharing a reputed father in Joseph, and “brother” is read in its ordinary force. On this it stands exactly where the Helvidian stands and far above the cousin-theory — the reading that would need adelphos to mean cousin (weighed at “Does adelphos mean cousin?”), a chain of identifications that fail (the completing identifications), and the brethren to be numbered among the Twelve, which the record will not allow (not among the Twelve). Both surviving readings keep the brethren inside the family household of Joseph and Mary; the Epiphanian simply makes them Joseph’s sons rather than Mary’s.

It carries the earliest attestation. The stepbrother account is “the only view positively attested in Christian tradition” before the late fourth century, surfacing around 150 in the Protevangelium of James, the Gospel of Peter, and the Infancy Gospel of Thomas, and running through Clement, Origen, and Eusebius. Lightfoot pressed the point of tradition hard: “there is not the slightest indication that the Hieronymian solution ever occurred to any individual or sect or church, until it was put forward by Jerome himself,” whereas “the Epiphanian account has the highest claims to the sanction of tradition… this solution seems especially to represent the Palestinian view.”1 Whether that antiquity is preserved memory or a construct protecting Mary’s virginity is itself an open question (weighed in full at the antiquity of the stepbrother tradition) — but that the belief was early, uniform in the East, and older than the cousin-theory is not in doubt.

It suffers no disadvantage from the reputed kinship. The standard objection — that making the brethren only Joseph’s reputed kin leaves them “really no relationship” with Jesus, where the Helvidian keeps a blood tie through Mary — dissolves on inspection: the register of reputed / legal kinship is exactly the one Scripture already uses of Joseph’s fatherhood, on Mary’s own lips (“thy father and I,” Luke 2:48) and the Evangelist’s (“his parents,” Luke 2:41), so calling Joseph’s sons the Lord’s “brethren” is the same natural extension, and it is the very rationale Eusebius and Chrysostom give firsthand (weighed at the father-analogy). The Helvidian’s one intuitive edge is thereby removed.

Its strongest positive proof-text. Lightfoot rested the Epiphanian case above all on the dying Christ’s commending his mother to the beloved disciple rather than to a brother (John 19:26–27) — an objection, he held, “powerless against the Epiphanian” but pressed “against the Helvidian theory with great force”; had Mary borne four sons, why is she consigned to John, and why does the arrangement stand even after the brethren believe and settle in Jerusalem beside her (Acts 1:14)? The point is real but not decisive, and is weighed on its own page (the entrustment to John), where a step-son’s filial duty is seen to blunt Lightfoot’s claim that it cuts cleanly for his view.

Two minor indicators from silence — adduced but not leaned on. Two smaller observations are sometimes urged for a Mary who bore no other children, and so against the Helvidian: (i) when the twelve-year-old Jesus is lost and found in the temple, only “his parents” go up to Jerusalem and return to seek him — no brother or sister figures in the scene (Luke 2:41–51); and (ii) across the Gospels only Jesus is ever called Mary’s son — “the carpenter, the son of Mary, the brother of James, and Joses” (Mark 6:3) — while the “brethren” who repeatedly stand beside her are never once called her sons, even where mother and brethren are named in one breath (Matthew 13:55; Mark 3:31–32; John 2:12; 19:25–26; Acts 1:14). But both are arguments from silence, and each is as much at home on the Helvidian reading as on this one. Later-born children would be younger than the twelve-year-old Jesus, on whom Luke’s scene fastens wholly — the narrative has no occasion to enumerate a nursery; and no passage has any reason to style the brethren “sons of Mary” when its subject is Jesus, whom an Evangelist naturally identifies by his mother. Absence of mention is not evidence of non-existence, and neither indicator discriminates the Epiphanian reading from the Helvidian. They are at most faintly suggestive, and this page does not rest on them.4

Adversarial assessment

What holds. As an interpretation the Epiphanian reading is coherent, unforced, and well-credentialled. It gives “brother” its plain sense; it needs no strained lexicography and no roster of brethren-apostles; against the cousin-theory it is decisively stronger, so that of the three historic readings it and the Helvidian alone remain live. On the ground of tradition it is the strongest of the three: it is the earliest attested, uniform in the East, and — if the “firstborn son of Joseph” datum in Epiphanius derives, as Bauckham judges, from Hegesippus rather than the Syrian infancy gospels — may reach back to Palestinian Jewish-Christian tradition. And it removes the Helvidian’s one intuitive advantage, since reputed fraternity is no more strained than the reputed fatherhood Scripture predicates of Joseph. These are not small things: they give the reading, in Bauckham’s words, “a better claim to serious consideration than is often nowadays allowed.”3

What the positive evidence does not reach. Three limits keep the case short of proof. First, there is no positive New Testament evidence for it. The reading turns on a marriage of Joseph before Mary that no Gospel mentions; the “brother”-language it explains is equally well explained by the Helvidian reading, and Bauckham grants that on the Epiphanian view “we should not expect them to be called anything except ‘brothers’” — which means the New Testament’s usage is compatible with the reading but supplies no evidence for it. Second, each of its two positive scriptural props is itself only contested. The entrustment to John presses the Helvidian but does not disprove it (the brethren’s unbelief and absence give a coherent reason for the choice of John, and even at full strength the argument cannot separate Epiphanian from Hieronymian); the antiquity of the tradition establishes that the belief circulated early, not that it records the family’s real make-up. Neither reaches demonstration; a reading whose supports are two contested arguments and one merely-defensive rebuttal is not thereby proved. Third, the reputed-kinship rebuttal is neutral between the readings. Everything it establishes about Joseph’s reputed fatherhood is equally available to the Helvidian, for whom the brethren are both reputed brothers (through Joseph) and real ones (through Mary); it defuses an objection without discriminating.

What would be an overstatement. To take Lightfoot’s “the balance… in favour of the Epiphanian” as a settled result overstates it: it was a nineteenth-century judgment resting largely on the entrustment (which he pressed too hard) and on the weight of tradition (which cannot by itself decide what the tradition records), and modern scholarship has not followed it — “probably most modern exegetes… hold” the Helvidian. Equally, to present the Epiphanian as merely a doctrinally-driven fiction overstates the other way: it is the reading of the earliest witnesses, defended today by scholars who follow the evidence where it leads. The honest position is the one its own advocate reaches.

Assessment

Contested. Judged as an interpretation on its own evidence, the Epiphanian reading is strong exactly where the patristic record is strong — it is the earliest and only pre-Nicene solution, uniform in the East, plausibly Palestinian in root — and it is exegetically unstrained, giving “brother” its natural sense and losing nothing to the reputed-kinship objection. Against the Hieronymian cousin-theory it wins outright. But it is weaker where modern grammatical-historical exegesis is strong: it has no positive proof-text, rests on an unmentioned earlier marriage, and its two scriptural supports are each themselves only contested, while the majority of present-day exegetes read the same “brother”-language as the Helvidian does. So it is strong by one discipline’s lights and weaker by another’s, with no decider in the New Testament itself — the defining shape of a contested reading, and the mirror image of the Helvidian verdict. This is precisely where its fairest critic lands: the choice between the Epiphanian and the Helvidian, Bauckham concludes, cannot be made firmly on the evidence, and “whether the Helvidian or the Epiphanian view is preferred will make no difference” to the historical standing of the Lord’s brethren in the early church.3

Sources


  1. J. B. Lightfoot, “The Brethren of the Lord,” in St Paul’s Epistle to the Galatians (London: Macmillan, 1865) (also in Dissertations on the Apostolic Age) — the reading defined (“these brethren were in fact sons of Joseph by a former wife, before he espoused the Virgin… called the Lord’s brethren only in the same way in which Joseph is called His father”); the verdict (“taking the scriptural notices alone, the Hieronymian account must be abandoned; while of the remaining two the balance of the argument is against the Helvidian and in favour of the Epiphanian”); and the traditional claim (“there is not the slightest indication that the Hieronymian solution ever occurred to any individual or sect or church, until it was put forward by Jerome himself… the Epiphanian account has the highest claims to the sanction of tradition… this solution seems especially to represent the Palestinian view”). Text also at biblestudytools.com; digitized at archive.org. Lightfoot’s use of the entrustment to John (“powerless against the Epiphanian… against the Helvidian theory with great force”) is weighed at the entrustment to John; see the Lightfoot detail page. ↩

  2. Epiphanius of Salamis, Panarion 29 (Against Nazoraeans) 3.9–4.2 and 78 (Against Antidicomarians), trans. Frank Williams, The Panarion of Epiphanius of Salamis, Book I (Sects 1–46), 2nd ed. (Leiden: Brill, 2009), p. 125 — “this James was Joseph’s son by Joseph’s [first] wife, not by Mary… for he was Joseph’s first-born, and (thus) consecrated.” The second-century assumption of the same relationship, and Eusebius taking it for granted (H.E. 2:1), are laid out on the Epiphanius detail page and weighed at the antiquity of the stepbrother tradition. ↩

  3. Richard Bauckham, “The Relatives of Jesus,” Themelios 21.2 (January 1996): 18–21 — the Helvidian view is the one “probably most modern exegetes, even including some Roman Catholic scholars, hold”; on the Epiphanian view “we should not expect them to be called anything except ‘brothers’”; “No NT text offers any further real evidence on this point”; and “The historical evidence is not sufficient for a firm decision between the Helvidian and Epiphanian views (and so my version of the family tree leaves this open).” The fuller treatment is Bauckham, Jude and the Relatives of Jesus in the Early Church (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1990), ch. 1, §II — the Epiphanian reading has “a better claim to serious consideration than is often nowadays allowed,” and “whether the Helvidian or the Epiphanian view is preferred will make no difference to our discussion.” Bauckham himself holds the Epiphanian reading, so the concession comes from a friend of it, not a critic of the doctrine. ↩

  4. The two silence-indicators, all KJV: the finding in the temple, where only “his parents” go up and seek him, Luke 2:41–51 (v. 43, “Joseph and his mother knew not of it”; v. 48, “thy father and I have sought thee sorrowing”); and Jesus alone called Mary’s son, Mark 6:3 (“the carpenter, the son of Mary, the brother of James…”), with the brethren named beside their mother yet never styled her sons at Matthew 13:55 (“is not his mother called Mary? and his brethren…”), Mark 3:31–32, John 2:12, John 19:25–26, and Acts 1:14. Both are arguments from silence, equally compatible with the Helvidian reading, and are noted here only for completeness. ↩