HistoricalChristian.Faith

Was the apostles' Bible the Greek Septuagint — and does that make the deuterocanon canonical?

Type: supporting argument (off-timeline) · Assessment: contested — the load-bearing half is sound: the apostles' working Old Testament was a Greek one, and the New Testament's quotations follow its readings against the Hebrew that became the Masoretic text, hundreds of times. But the inference built on it — that because "the Septuagint" in its later Christian manuscripts carried the deuterocanon, the apostles thereby received those books as canonical Scripture — outruns the evidence: there was no closed, deuterocanon-inclusive Greek canon in the first century to inherit, and the books' presence in the great codices is a fourth-century Christian fact. The honest residue is reception, not a clean apostolic verdict — the same graded standing the silence argument leaves from the other side · the apostolic Greek Bible is the timeline's opening witness (the Septuagint); the readings are weighed against the Hebrew-canon stream and the origin doctrine

Here the sub-claim is the standard Catholic/Orthodox answer to the Protestant "the New Testament never quotes the deuterocanon": that the apostolic Bible was the Greek Septuagint, the same Bible whose later manuscripts carried the disputed books — so the apostles' own Scripture was the longer one.

The claim

The argument runs in two linked steps. First, a historical observation about which Bible the apostles used:

"By the first century, the LXX was the Bible of Greek-speaking Jews and so was the most frequently used version of the Old Testament in the early Church … the New Testament writers, when they quote from the Old Testament, usually quote from the Septuagint."

Catholic Answers, "In Which Passages Does Jesus Quote the Septuagint…?" The point is bolstered by the demonstrable cases where the New Testament follows a Greek reading against the Hebrew that became the Masoretic text, and by the patristic articulation of the same fact — Irenaeus: "the apostles … agree with this aforesaid translation [of the Septuagint]; and the translation harmonizes with the tradition of the apostles."1 The second step is the canonical inference drawn from the first: since the Greek Bible the apostles used — "the Septuagint" — is, in its surviving Christian manuscripts, the one that contains Tobit, Judith, Wisdom, Sirach, Baruch, and 1–2 Maccabees, the apostolic Scripture was the longer canon, and the deuterocanon belongs to it.

It is the standard Catholic and Orthodox rejoinder to the argument that the New Testament never quotes the deuterocanon as Scripture: never mind the silence on those particular books — the whole Bible the apostles quoted from was the Greek one that held them. The careful form of the claim, however, supplies its own brake, and the brake is the crux of the assessment: what "the Septuagint" contained around AD 30 is precisely what we cannot read off the fourth- and fifth-century codices. The books were in the Greek Bible by 400; who can say what "the Septuagint" of Jesus' day contained?

Who advances it

The proponents. "The apostles used the Septuagint, and the Septuagint had the deuterocanon" is a fixture of Catholic and Orthodox apologetics — Catholic Answers, the catalogues of New-Testament use at sites like Scripture Catholic, and popular defenders who tie the canon question to the apostles' demonstrable Greek Bible. The point is even pressed in reverse by Protestant teachers: Mike Winger argues that Protestants use "the same Old Testament Jesus used," which only relocates the dispute to which Greek (or Hebrew) Bible that was and what it held. The historical core — the apostles quoted a Greek Old Testament — is not a confessional claim at all: it is the common ground of mainstream scholarship, registered on this timeline's opening Septuagint entry and in the standard tally of citations.1 The adversaries. Protestant apologists answer that "used the Septuagint" does not entail "received the Septuagint's canon," since the books in question sat in Greek manuscripts the church compiled later; and — decisively — mainstream canon scholarship holds that there was no fixed, deuterocanon-inclusive "Alexandrian" Greek canon in the first century to inherit. Albert Sundberg's The Old Testament of the Early Church (1964) is the watershed: it dismantled the old hypothesis of a wider Alexandrian Jewish canon and argued that the broader Christian Old Testament was a Christian formation after the parting from Judaism. Martin Hengel and Timothy Lim carry the point forward — there was no closed Greek-Jewish canon, and "the Septuagint" as a single, deuterocanon-bearing codex is a Christian artifact of the fourth century, not a Bible Jesus could have held.2

The evidence for the affirmative reading

The apostles quote a Greek Old Testament — and its readings against the Hebrew. This is the strong, uncontested core. The New Testament's Old-Testament quotations track the Greek so closely that Gleason Archer and Gregory Chirichigno count roughly 340 citations agreeing with the Septuagint against only 33 with the (later-named) Masoretic Hebrew.3 The point is not a count of coincidences but of places where the Greek and the Hebrew genuinely diverge and the apostle follows the Greek — sometimes resting an entire argument on it:

So the apostolic Bible really was, overwhelmingly, a Greek Old Testament. That much is settled, and any argument from apostolic usage about the canon has to start from it. The further claim is that this Greek Bible was the Septuagint of the great Christian codices — the one with the deuterocanon shelved among the protocanonical books — so the apostles' Scripture already held the disputed books.

Adversarial assessment

What holds. The first step is sound and important. The apostles cite a Greek Old Testament; they follow its readings against the Hebrew that became the Masoretic text, in passages where the two diverge and where the New Testament's own argument depends on the Greek. This is not apologetic spin but the mainstream picture, and it cuts hard against any attempt to settle the canon by the later rabbinic Hebrew table alone (the move weighed on the "oracles of God" page): the Bible the apostles actually used was the Greek one, in the wider Greek-Jewish literary world where Sirach, Wisdom, Tobit, and the Maccabees were read, treasured, and echoed.

What overstates. The second step — from "used a Greek Old Testament" to "received the deuterocanon-inclusive canon of the codices" — is where the argument outruns its evidence, at three joints.

  1. There was no closed, deuterocanon-inclusive Greek canon in the first century to inherit. The argument quietly assumes a fixed object — "the Septuagint," a settled Greek Bible with a known table of contents that the apostles took over whole. That object is an anachronism. The older hypothesis that Diaspora Jews kept a wider "Alexandrian canon" than the Palestinian one — and that the church inherited it — was dismantled by Albert Sundberg in 1964 and is no longer held: Alexandrian Jewish writers such as Philo show no wider canon, the Jewish canon was not yet closed on either side in the first century, and the broader Christian Old Testament looks like a Christian formation after the parting from Judaism, not a pre-packaged Jewish inheritance. "The apostles used the Septuagint" is true; "the Septuagint they used was a fixed canon that included the deuterocanon" is the very thing in dispute.2

  2. The deuterocanon's presence in "the Septuagint" is a fourth-century codex fact. When we point to "the Septuagint" as the Bible with the disputed books, we are pointing to the great Christian uncials — Vaticanus, Sinaiticus, Alexandrinus (fourth–fifth century) — which interleave Tobit, Judith, Wisdom, Sirach, and the Maccabees among the protocanonical books. But a multi-book single codex did not exist in the apostolic age; the Greek Scriptures circulated as separate scrolls, one work (or a few) to a roll, and no scroll's table of contents declared a canon. The notion of "the Septuagint" as one deuterocanon-bearing volume is itself a Christian achievement of the fourth century — the very era this site's origin timeline shows the inspiration legend hardening. Reading the codices' contents back onto Jesus' Bible is reading a later book's binding into an earlier age. That the books were in the Greek Bible by 400 tells us what the fourth-century church received; it does not tell us what "the Septuagint" of AD 30 contained, which the proponent's own careful form concedes.8

  3. The divergent readings prove text-form, not canon-extent. The strong evidence — Acts 15 / Amos 9, Hebrews 1 / Deuteronomy 32, Hebrews 10 / Psalm 40 — establishes which text of shared, undisputed books the apostles read (a Greek one, sometimes resting on a Hebrew Vorlage older than the Masoretic, as Qumran's Deuteronomy shows). It says nothing about the extent of their canon, because every one of these proof-cases is a protocanonical book. To move from "they preferred Greek Isaiah and Greek Amos" to "they received Greek Tobit and Greek Maccabees as Scripture" is to change the subject from textual form to canonical list. The New Testament does allude to the deuterocanon (Hebrews 11:35 to 2 Maccabees 7, Romans 1 to Wisdom — catalogued on the companion silence page; the Hebrews 11:35 case weighed in full on its own page), which is real evidence of acquaintance and esteem; but allusion is reception, not a citation as γραφή, and the leap to canonization is not in the data.9

What the apostolic Greek Bible really shows. Strip the over-reach and a substantial, true residue remains, and it tells for the deuterocanon's standing as far as the evidence can carry: the apostles' Scripture was a Greek Old Testament, breathed in a Greek-Jewish world that read and prized these books, and the church that received that Bible went on — demonstrably, by the fourth century — to bind the disputed books among the Scriptures. That is a real and weighty datum for reception, the same one the early-church and silence pages reach from their own angles. What it is not is a clean apostolic verdict closing the canon on the longer list. Nor was that canonical inference uncontested in antiquity: the most Hebrew-competent of the Latin fathers, Jerome, pressed the textual point in reverse — that wherever the Greek and Hebrew diverge the evangelists and apostles followed the Hebrew, not the Septuagint — and made it a standing challenge to his critics.10 His blanket form overshoots, for the strongest cases above (Acts 15 / Amos 9, Hebrews 1 / Deuteronomy 32) are themselves apostolic quotations of the Greek against the Hebrew; but it shows that even within the patristic period the slide from apostolic Greek usage to a settled apostolic canon was disputed — by a father who actually read the Hebrew. The canon question turns on weighing that reception, list by list, across the centuries this timeline charts — not on retrojecting a fourth-century codex onto the apostles' scroll-shelf.

Assessment

Contested. The interpretation is strong by one discipline's lights and weak by another's, which is just what a contested verdict marks. By the lights of textual and reception history, its core is sound and barely disputed: the apostolic Bible was a Greek Old Testament, and the New Testament's quotations follow its readings against the proto-Masoretic Hebrew, sometimes with the argument riding on the Greek (Acts 15 / Amos 9 is the textbook case). By the lights of canon history, the inference it is enlisted to carry — that apostolic use of "the Septuagint" establishes the deuterocanon as apostolic Scripture — does not hold: there was no closed, deuterocanon-inclusive Greek canon in the first century to inherit (Sundberg's demolition of the "Alexandrian canon"), and the books' presence in "the Septuagint" is a fourth-century codex fact, not a feature of the scrolls Jesus read. The strong proof-cases all involve protocanonical books, so they fix the apostles' text-form, not their canon-extent. The honest residue is genuine but graded: powerful evidence that the apostolic and early church received a Greek Bible in whose world these books lived and were used — converging with the longer-canon stream this timeline traces (the Septuagint, the codices, the African councils, Augustine) — but not a clean apostolic close on the wider list. It is the mirror image of the Protestant silence argument, and lands in the same place from the opposite side: the deuterocanon is a long-disputed inheritance, neither apostolically canonized nor apostolically excluded, to be weighed by its reception. (Proponents who state the modest form — "the apostles' Bible was Greek, and these books lived in that world" — say something true; those who press it to "the apostles' Bible already was the Tridentine canon" overreach a first-century scroll into a fourth-century codex.)

Sources


  1. That the apostolic church's Old Testament was the Greek Septuagint, and that the New Testament's quotations usually follow it: "In Which Passages Does Jesus Quote the Septuagint, and Where Does the New Testament Allude to the …?" (Catholic Answers Q&A) ("By the first century, the LXX was the Bible of Greek-speaking Jews and so was the most frequently used version of the Old Testament in the early Church"); the catalogue of New-Testament references to the deuterocanonical books at "Deuterocanonical Books in the New Testament," Scripture Catholic; and, in reverse, the Protestant teacher Mike Winger's contention that Protestants use "the same Old Testament that Jesus used" (BibleThinker, on the Old Testament canon). The patristic articulation: Irenaeus, Against Heresies III.21.3–4 (c. 180): "For the apostles, since they are of more ancient date than all these [heretics], agree with this aforesaid translation [of the Septuagint]; and the translation harmonizes with the tradition of the apostles. For Peter, and John, and Matthew, and Paul, and the rest successively, as well as their followers, did set forth all prophetical [announcements], just as the interpretation of the elders contains them." (The same passage tells the inspired-translation legend; the verbatim quotation and its polemical context are treated on the Irenaeus / Septuagint-origin witness page, within the Septuagint-origin timeline.) The historical core — the apostles quoted a Greek Old Testament — is mainstream, registered on this timeline's Septuagint entry. The careful form of the proponents' claim includes its own caveat about the first-century extent of "the Septuagint," weighed in the assessment. 

  2. The "Alexandrian canon" hypothesis — that Diaspora Jews kept a wider, deuterocanon-inclusive Greek canon which the church inherited — was dismantled by Albert C. Sundberg, Jr., The Old Testament of the Early Church (Harvard Theological Studies 20; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1964), reworking his 1957 Harvard dissertation: Alexandrian Jewish writers (e.g. Philo) show no canon wider than the Palestinian one, the Jewish canon was not yet closed on either side in the first century, and the broader Christian Old Testament was a Christian formation after the parting from Judaism — so there was no fixed Greek-Jewish canon for the apostles to take over whole. The hypothesis "is no longer regarded as viable" in the field. The point is carried forward by Martin Hengel, The Septuagint as Christian Scripture: Its Prehistory and the Problem of Its Canon (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 2002) — there was no closed Alexandrian canon, and "the Septuagint" as a single, deuterocanon-bearing codex is a Christian artifact, not a pre-Christian Bible — and by Timothy H. Lim, The Formation of the Jewish Canon (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013), ch. 9 and Appendix 4 (judging the New Testament's use of the deuterocanonical books not to be use as Scripture). On the field's verdict see also "Was There a ‘Septuagint Canon’?" (Logos / Edmon Gallagher)

  3. Gleason L. Archer & Gregory Chirichigno, Old Testament Quotations in the New Testament (Chicago: Moody, 1983), tabulate roughly 340 New-Testament citations agreeing with the Septuagint against about 33 agreeing with the (later-named) Masoretic Hebrew — the figure carried on the timeline (Septuagint entry). The count measures the New Testament's overwhelming preference for the Greek text-form of the shared Old-Testament books, including where Greek and Hebrew diverge. 

  4. Acts 15:16–17 (KJV): "That the residue of men might seek after the Lord, and all the Gentiles, upon whom my name is called" ↔ Amos 9:11–12 (KJV, from the Hebrew): "That they may possess the remnant of Edom, and of all the heathen." James's argument for the Gentile mission follows the Septuagint, which read the unpointed Hebrew אדם ("men/mankind," 'adam) for אדום ("Edom," 'edom) and ידרשו ("seek," yidreshu) for יירשו ("possess," yireshu) — a standard textbook example of the New Testament resting an argument on a Septuagint reading against the Masoretic text; see, e.g., the discussion in Archer & Chirichigno (n. 3). 

  5. Hebrews 1:6 (KJV): "And let all the angels of God worship him" ↔ Deuteronomy 32:43 (KJV, from the Hebrew), which lacks the clause entirely. The Septuagint of Deuteronomy 32:43 reads "and let all the angels of God worship him"; a Hebrew copy from Qumran, 4QDeutq (4Q44), preserves a longer reading — "bow down to him, all you gods (אלהים)" — confirming that the Greek here renders a genuine variant Hebrew text (the אלהים, "gods," rendered "angels of God"), not a Christian addition; the Masoretic text transmits the shorter form. See the manuscript comparison of Deuteronomy 32:43 (MT, LXX, 4QDeutq), bible.ca; the DJD edition is Patrick W. Skehan & Eugene Ulrich in Qumran Cave 4.IX (DJD XIV, Oxford, 1995). 

  6. Hebrews 10:5 (KJV): "a body hast thou prepared me" ↔ Psalm 40:6 (KJV, from the Hebrew): "mine ears hast thou opened." The author of Hebrews quotes the Septuagint's σῶμα δὲ κατηρτίσω μοι ("a body thou hast prepared for me") and builds the argument of 10:5–10 (Christ's offered body replacing sacrifice) on it; the Hebrew "ears thou hast dug/opened" is a different image. 

  7. Matthew 1:23 follows the Septuagint of Isaiah 7:14, παρθένος ("virgin"), where the Hebrew has עלמה ('almah, "young woman"). Unlike the other cases listed, this is a matter of translation (the Hebrew word's range includes a virgin) rather than a variant text, and it is the long-disputed crux this site weighs separately — the Jewish revisers' "young woman" against the Septuagint "virgin" on the Aquila-revision page, and its hagiographic mirror on the Simeon-the-Just page. 

  8. The deuterocanonical books stand among the Old-Testament books of the great Christian uncials — Codex Vaticanus, Sinaiticus, and Alexandrinus (fourth–fifth century) — interleaved with the protocanon by subject-matter rather than segregated (see the timeline, Septuagint entry, n. 4, and Henry Barclay Swete, An Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek, rev. R. R. Ottley [Cambridge, 1914], Part II, on the contents and order of Codices B, ℵ, and A). But the single pandect codex is itself a fourth-century development: in the apostolic age the Greek Scriptures circulated as separate scrolls, and no scroll fixed a canon by its contents. That "the Septuagint" denotes one deuterocanon-bearing volume is therefore a Christian fact of the fourth century, not a Bible of the first; reading the codices' table of contents back onto the apostles' usage is anachronistic (Hengel and Lim, n. 2). The proponents' own careful form concedes the first-century extent of "the Septuagint" is unknown — the books were in the Greek Bible by c. 400, but what "the Septuagint" contained c. AD 30 cannot be read off the later codices. 

  9. Every one of the strong divergence-cases (nn. 4–6) involves a protocanonical book (Amos, Deuteronomy, the Psalms, Isaiah), so it establishes which text-form of the shared Scriptures the apostles read, not the extent of their canon. The New Testament's allusions to the deuterocanon — Hebrews 11:35 to 2 Maccabees 6–7, Romans 1 to Wisdom 13–14, Romans 9:21 to Wisdom 15:7, James 1:19 to Sirach 5:11, registered in the Nestle–Aland Loci Citati vel Allegati — are catalogued and weighed on the companion "does the New Testament's never quoting the deuterocanon prove it is not canonical?" page; that page also answers the "by quoting one book the New Testament verifies the whole collection" rejoinder (bible.ca) and documents the interspersal of the deuterocanon within the quoted groups of the Greek Bible. Allusion evidences acquaintance and esteem (reception), not citation as γραφή; on the limits of arguing canon from citation in either direction, Edmon L. Gallagher & John D. Meade, The Biblical Canon Lists from Early Christianity (Oxford, 2017). 

  10. Jerome makes the counter-case repeatedly. In Letter 57 (To Pammachius on the Best Method of Translating) §§7–10 (AD 395) he catalogues New-Testament quotations that follow the Hebrew against the Septuagint — Matthew's "Jeremy" for Zechariah; John 19:37 / Zechariah 12:10 ("they shall look on him whom they pierced," which "the evangelist John quotes from the Hebrew"); "Out of Egypt have I called my son" / Hosea 11:1; "He shall be called a Nazarene" / Isaiah 11:1 — concluding that "the apostles and evangelists … have sought to give the meaning rather than the words." In Apology against Rufinus II.34 (AD 402) he states the rule, "Wherever the Seventy agree with the Hebrew, the apostles took their quotations from that translation; but, where they disagree, they set down in Greek what they had found in the Hebrew," adding that "the Apostles of Christ have an authority superior to theirs"; and in the Commentary on Matthew (AD 398), on "Out of Egypt I called my son," he dares "those who deny the truth of the Hebrew scriptures" to "answer where this is read in the Septuagint translators." The qualification matters: the rule overstates — Jerome himself grants the apostles used the Septuagint, and his NPNF editor flags the claim that they did so only where it agrees with the Hebrew as "not borne out by the facts" (note to Letter 57 §11) — and the strong divergence-cases marshaled above (nn. 4–6) are precisely apostolic citations of the Greek against the proto-Masoretic Hebrew. Jerome's witness is therefore evidence that the canonical inference was contested in antiquity, not a refutation of the textual core; his Hebrew-canon program is set out in full on the Jerome witness page, and his prefaces' Hebrew reckoning of the canon is the Hebrew-canon stream this argument is weighed against.