Type: supporting argument (off-timeline) · Assessment: weak — as an attribution to Origen the charge does not hold on its best available case. It has a real textual seed: Jerome quotes Origen floating, in his own words, a passion “in the upper world,” and the Homilies on Leviticus give a genuine ongoing-suffering motif. But that seed is offered as tentative inquiry (“it may be overbold to suppose… yet why need we fear to imagine”), it is aimed at the conquest of the powers in the heavens as much as at their redemption, and the sharp corollaries the councils condemned — that Christ “will suffer again for the demons,” that to save them “He will become a demon” — are ones Jerome himself conceded Origen “has not expressly said.” Origen disowned the whole devil’s-salvation frame as a blasphemy “not even a madman can say,” his reconciliation runs through the destruction of the hostile will and the pedagogy of the ages, not a repeated passion, and a literal second crucifixion is exactly what Hebrews 6:6 forbids — the text his own accuser wielded against it. The charge hardens a speculation Origen raised and did not hold into a doctrine he neither stated nor needed.
Related arguments: the devil’s salvation — see also Did the devil’s-salvation charge misrepresent Origen? · Does Origen’s system require the devil’s final salvation?
…it may indeed be overbold to suppose that He will suffer in heaven; yet if there is spiritual wickedness in heavenly places… why need we fear to imagine a like occurrence in the upper world… so that the nations of all realms shall be saved by a passion of Christ?
— Origen, as quoted by Jerome, Letter 124 to Avitus §13, link.1 This is the sharpest and most notorious charge in the whole catalogue against Origen, and it is more specific than the general accusation that he taught the devil’s salvation. The mechanism here is a repeated passion of Christ: that in a coming age Christ will suffer — be crucified again — in the heavens, on behalf of the demons, as He was once crucified on earth on behalf of men. The interpretation this page weighs is the one his accusers pressed and the councils anathematized: that Origen taught this second crucifixion, or that his system requires it.
The charge is the prosecution’s. Jerome, summarizing Peri Archōn for Avitus, states it flatly — that Origen “has asserted what it is sacrilegious even to think; that Christ will once more suffer in the sky for the salvation of demons” — and draws the corollary himself: “although he has not expressly said it, it is yet implied in his words that as for men God became man to set men free, so for the salvation of demons… He will become a demon.”2 Theophilus of Alexandria had already made the same charge the target of a festal letter, denouncing as “madness” the teaching that Christ “should be affixed to the cross for demons and spiritual wickednesses,” and it stood as the eighth error of his synod of 400: “Christ suffered once for men; he will suffer again for the demons.”3 A century and a half later it was fixed in law as the seventh of Justinian’s anathemas: “If anyone says or holds that in the age to come Christ the Master will be crucified on behalf of demons… let him be anathema.”4
Origen’s own words float a passion in the heavens. Unlike the bare devil’s-salvation charge, this one has a passage behind it. The words Jerome sets in Origen’s mouth are a real speculation: extending his inquiry “to the passion of our Lord and Saviour,” Origen reasons that since “there is spiritual wickedness in heavenly places” and the Lord was once crucified to destroy what His passion destroyed, one need not “fear to imagine a like occurrence in the upper world… so that the nations of all realms shall be saved by a passion of Christ.”5 Whatever its guarded form, the thought is on the page: a saving passion of Christ reaching the higher orders in a world to come.
A non-hostile text gives an ongoing-passion motif. The idea that Christ’s suffering is not simply finished has a home in Origen that owes nothing to his enemies. In the seventh Homily on Leviticus he holds that the Saviour’s joy is deferred until every last sinner is gathered in: “My Saviour even now laments my sins… he cannot rejoice while I continue in iniquity,” for He will not drink the wine of the kingdom alone but only “with you,” and “is in sorrow as long as we persist in error.”6 A Christ who still grieves and still intercedes until the whole creation is reconciled is one for whom a further saving act on behalf of the last and lowest orders is not, on its face, absurd.
The system makes demon-redemption fitting, and salvation runs through the passion. If Origen’s eschatology drives toward the reconciliation of every fallen rational creature — a reading weighed on its own page — and if the means of reconciliation is Christ’s passion, then extending that means to the demons is a natural inference. This is precisely the syllogism Jerome and Theophilus build: Christ saved men by becoming man and suffering for them; therefore, to save demons, He must in some fashion suffer for them too. The charge is not a bare invention; it is an inference from premises Origen supplies.
The seed is inquiry, not doctrine. The passage the charge rests on is cast in Origen’s most tentative register. He does not assert a heavenly passion; he asks whether one “need… fear to imagine” it, after warning that to suppose Christ “will suffer in heaven” “may indeed be overbold.” This is the exploratory manner in which Peri Archōn floats its hardest possibilities and hands them to the reader — the same manner in which he leaves the devil’s conversion an open question rather than a thesis. To read a doctrine off a sentence its author frames as “overbold” conjecture is to convict him of the boldest form of a thing he offered in the mildest.
The corollaries are Jerome’s, by his own admission. The features that made the charge scandalous — that Christ “will become a demon,” that He is “crucified for them as well” — are not Origen’s words. Jerome concedes it in the act of pressing it: “although he has not expressly said it, it is yet implied.”7 Theophilus argues the point rather than quoting it, and the reductio he draws — that a passion for demons would make Christ take “the nature of demons,” as He took the seed of Abraham and not of angels — is his own theological objection, not a citation. The prosecutors themselves mark the charge as inference, which is what the defence has always said it is.
Origen repudiated the frame outright. In the letter he wrote to protest the charge, Origen calls the teaching that “the father of wickedness… can be saved” a blasphemy “which not even a madman can say,” and complains that a disputant’s partisans had falsified the record to fasten it on him.8 Whatever one makes of his system’s drift, the specific proposition the seventh anathema condemns is one Origen went out of his way to disown, in the sharpest terms available to him.
The mechanism collides with his own soteriology. Origen’s restoration does not work by a repeated crucifixion. What reconciles the fallen orders across the ages is the pedagogy of purifying punishment and the destruction of the hostile will — “not as if its substance… is to perish, but because its mind and hostile will… are to be destroyed”9 — not a fresh passion of Christ for each order in turn. And a literal second crucifixion is the one thing the New Testament expressly rules out: to “crucify… the Son of God afresh” is, in Hebrews 6:6, the mark of the apostate, not of the Redeemer — the very verse Theophilus turns against the charge. Even the ongoing-passion motif of the Leviticus homily is a deferred joy and a standing intercession, not a second death; it will not bear the weight of a repeated crucifixion. And Origen’s floated speculation may not even be substitutionary: a passion set against “spiritual wickedness in heavenly places” reads at least as naturally as a further conquest of the hostile powers than as a suffering undergone for their benefit — the sense the accusers needed and supplied.
weak. As a doctrine attributed to Origen, the second crucifixion does not hold. It is the hardest of the charges and the one with the most textual color — Origen really did float, in his own words, a saving passion “in the upper world,” and his picture of a Christ who laments and intercedes until all are gathered gives the motif a non-hostile root. That is enough to keep the charge from being a pure fabrication. But it is not enough to make it Origen’s teaching. The seed is offered as “overbold” conjecture, not asserted; it may aim at the conquest of the heavenly powers rather than their redemption; the scandalous corollaries — “suffer again for the demons,” “become a demon” — are inferences Jerome and Theophilus admit they are drawing; Origen denied the whole frame as a blasphemy “not even a madman can say”; his actual mechanism of restoration is the destruction of the hostile will and the pedagogy of the ages, not a repeated passion; and a literal second crucifixion is what Hebrews 6:6 forbids and his own accuser wields against it. The charge takes a guarded speculation Origen raised and did not hold and presses it into a doctrine he neither stated nor needed — a hostile hardening, weak on its best available case. The related question, whether the system requires the devil’s reconciliation at all, is weighed on its own page; that the enforced devil’s-salvation charge more broadly misstates his words while catching his drift is weighed there.
Jerome, Letter 124 to Avitus, §13, quoting Origen, De Principiis (NPNF2 VI) ↩
Theophilus of Alexandria, festal (Paschal) letter for 401, §10, tr. Jerome, Letter 96 (NPNF2 VI); the same charge as error 8 of his synodical letter of 400, tr. Jerome, Letter 92 (NPNF2 VI) ↩
Justinian, Edict against Origen (letter to Menas, 543), anathema VII (NPNF2 XIV) ↩
Jerome, Letter 124 to Avitus, §13, quoting Origen (Eph. 6:12 lies behind “spiritual wickedness in heavenly places”) (NPNF2 VI) ↩
Origen, Homilies on Leviticus 7.2, tr. Gary Wayne Barkley, Homilies on Leviticus 1–16 (Fathers of the Church 83, Washington, 1990) ↩
Jerome, Apology against Rufinus II.18, quoting Origen’s letter to his Alexandrian friends (NPNF2 III) ↩