HistoricalChristian.Faith

Does Daniel 4 rework a tradition about Nabonidus? (The Prayer of Nabonidus, 4Q242)

Type: historical-origins argument (off-timeline) · Assessment: plausible, arguably sound, that Daniel 4 is ultimately rooted in a tradition about Nabonidus (the seven years, the Jewish adviser, the turn from idols, and above all the historical Tayma setting converge too tightly for coincidence) / contested that it directly reworks the Qumran Prayer of Nabonidus specifically (the differing king, affliction, and unnamed adviser point to a common tradition, not a copied source) · advanced by W. von Soden, J. T. Milik, D. N. Freedman, and the critical mainstream (Collins, Newsom)

Related arguments: the madness of Daniel 4 — see also the ox-madness — malady, legend, or sign?

The claim

The words of the p[ra]yer which Nabonidus, king of [Ba]bylon, the great king, pray[ed when he was stricken] with an evil disease by the decree of G[o]d in Teiman. [I Nabonidus] was stricken with [an evil disease] for seven years… A diviner — who was a Jew o[f the Exiles — came to me and said:] ‘Recount and record (these things) in order to give honour and great[ness] to the name of the G[od Most High.’]

— The Prayer of Nabonidus (4Q242), trans. F. M. Cross, link. The claim: the story Daniel 4 tells of Nebuchadnezzar — a Babylonian king humbled by God for seven years, brought to acknowledge the Most High through a Jewish intermediary — first belonged to Nabonidus, the last king of Babylon, and was transferred in Jewish tradition to the far more famous Nebuchadnezzar.1

Who advances it

The thesis predates the scroll: Wolfram von Soden argued in 1935 that a Nabonidus tradition underlies Daniel’s narrative. The 1956 publication of 4QPrNab by J. T. Milik was seen as dramatic confirmation, and D. N. Freedman within months read the scroll as a more original form of the tradition. It is now close to the critical consensus, in its broad form, that Daniel 4 is “ultimately based on traditions about Nabonidus” (John J. Collins, Hermeneia; Carol Newsom, Old Testament Library) — though, as the assessment shows, that consensus attaches to the broad claim, not to the sharper thesis of direct literary dependence on this fragment.2

The evidence for

The convergences are dense and specific. (1) Seven — the scroll’s “seven years” answers Daniel 4’s “seven times.” (2) A Babylonian king humbled by the Most High and made to acknowledge him. (3) A decisive Judean figure — the anonymous Jewish diviner (gōzer) answering to Daniel. (4) A turn from idols — the king’s useless prayer to “gods of silver and gold, bronze, iron, wood, stone and clay” abandoned for the God Most High. And (5), most tellingly, the setting: the scroll places the affliction at Teima (Tayma), and Nabonidus genuinely spent about a decade at that Arabian oasis — a fact independently attested by the Harran stelae, the Nabonidus Chronicle, and the Verse Account, and one Daniel 4 lacks. The historical fingerprint belongs to Nabonidus, not Nebuchadnezzar; his absence from Babylon, and his son Belshazzar’s regency there, likewise stand behind Daniel 5. A transfer from the obscure last king to the archetypal Babylonian oppressor of Jewish memory is exactly the kind of move oral tradition makes.3

Adversarial assessment

What holds. The broad claim — that the Daniel 4 story is rooted in a tradition that first concerned Nabonidus — is well-grounded and mainstream. The Tayma datum is the anchor: it is a real, documented peculiarity of Nabonidus’s reign with no counterpart in Nebuchadnezzar’s, and its shadow across Daniel 4–5 (the humbled king; Belshazzar) is hard to explain except by a Nabonidus substrate. On this the assessment is plausible, arguably sound.

What is overstated. The narrow claim — that Daniel 4 is a direct literary reworking of this fragment — goes beyond what the texts support, and three differences are the standing defeaters. First, the king is different: 4Q242 names Nabonidus; Daniel 4 explicitly and repeatedly names Nebuchadnezzar. Second, the affliction is different: a skin inflammation healed on confession in the scroll, versus boanthropy — ox-madness, grazing, animal hair and nails — in Daniel. Third, the adviser is different: an anonymous Jewish diviner who speaks after the healing, versus the named prophet Daniel who warns before the judgment. The single word that would bridge the two afflictions — Cross’s restored “[like a beast]” at the scroll’s broken third line — is a conjecture filling a lacuna, not preserved text, and cannot bear the weight of harmonization. Collins accordingly denies direct dependence: the two are “different developments of a common tradition.” A real minority runs the other way — Andrew Steinmann argues 4QPrNab is later than and dependent on Daniel — and Lange and Sieker posit independent derivation from a shared Persian-period polemic. That the direction and mechanism of dependence remain genuinely disputed is why the narrow thesis is contested, not sound.4

Assessment

Plausible (broad) / contested (narrow). That Daniel 4 is ultimately rooted in a Nabonidus tradition is well-grounded and close to consensus — the seven-year humbling, the Jewish adviser, the idol-renunciation, and the load-bearing Tayma setting converge on Nabonidus, whose decade in Arabia and whose son Belshazzar shape Daniel 4–5 alike. What the evidence does not establish is that Daniel copied this fragment: the differing king, the differing malady, and the anonymous-versus-named adviser point to two developments of one older tradition rather than a source and its reworking, and the one word that would close the gap is a modern restoration of a hole in the leather. The honest verdict tracks that split — a Nabonidus substrate is very likely; direct literary dependence on 4Q242 is an open question, with a credible minority even reversing the arrow. Granting a Nabonidus origin does not, by itself, decide whether Daniel 4 also preserves something historical about Nebuchadnezzar — that is the separate question of the ox-madness.

« Back to the Nebuchadnezzar timeline

Sources


  1. The Prayer of Nabonidus (4Q242), trans. F. M. Cross, Israel Exploration Journal 34 (1984) 260–264. See the Prayer of Nabonidus detail page. ↩

  2. The editio princeps: J. T. Milik, “‘Prière de Nabonide’ et autres écrits d’un cycle de Daniel,” Revue Biblique 63 (1956) 407–415; the standard edition is DJD XXII (Oxford, 1996). For the consensus that Daniel 4 is “ultimately based on traditions about Nabonidus,” John J. Collins, Daniel (Hermeneia; Fortress, 1993) 216–219, JSTOR; and Carol A. Newsom (with Brennan Breed), Daniel: A Commentary (Old Testament Library; Westminster John Knox, 2014). ↩

  3. On Nabonidus’s Tayma sojourn (the Harran stelae, the Nabonidus Chronicle, the Verse Account) and Belshazzar’s regency, see the Verse Account of Nabonidus and P.-A. Beaulieu, The Reign of Nabonidus, King of Babylon 556–539 B.C. (Yale, 1989); overview at Archaeology Magazine, “The Last King of Babylon.” ↩

  4. Collins, Daniel (Hermeneia) 216–219 (“different developments of a common tradition”; the conjectural “like a beast” restoration). For the reverse-dependence view, Andrew E. Steinmann, “The Chicken and the Egg: A New Proposal for the Relationship Between the ‘Prayer of Nabonidus’ and the ‘Book of Daniel,’” Revue de Qumrân 20 (2002) 557–570; for independent derivation, A. Lange and M. Sieker. On the two Greek editions that show Daniel 4 still in flux, see the Septuagint of Daniel detail page. ↩