HistoricalChristian.Faith

Cassiodorus's Institutiones I.14 — does listing Nicaea among the dividers of Scripture show the council took up the canon?

Type: supporting argument (off-timeline) · Assessment: unsupported — Cassiodorus (c. 543) names "the Councils of Nicaea and Chalcedon," alongside Hilary, Rufinus, and Epiphanius, among those who "by their divisions, fitted the sacred books to the appropriate mysteries." Rudolph Cornely reads the entry as evidence that the Nicene Fathers took up the canon. The reading does not hold. Cassiodorus's chapter is about how the received books are divided and counted, not about which books are Scripture; his sentence pairs Nicaea with Chalcedon, which no one claims decreed a biblical canon, so the inference proves too much; the notice is a sixth-century one, two centuries after the council, with no independent value as a witness to 325 and itself most likely a product of the well-known drift of later canon-material under Nicaea's name. Breen dismisses it as "obscure words" that "form no forcible proof," and notes Cornely took the citation from Hefele — who is precisely the scholar who explains the misattribution · earliest form: Cassiodorus, Institutiones I.14 (c. 543)

Related arguments: the scholarly case for a Nicene canon-action — see also Jerome's Preface to Judith (Cornely's strongest prop) · the Vallicellian "Nicaea" heading on Hippo's canon 36. See also the popular Nicene-canon legend (decided-at-Nicaea; altar-ordeal miracle), both unsupported.

This argument isolates the weakest of the three props the Jesuit introduction-scholar Rudolph Cornely marshals for a real Nicene action on the canon — a single sentence in Cassiodorus's sixth-century Institutiones. (The strongest, Jerome's Preface to Judith, is weighed on its own page.)

The claim

"As a result, although many Fathers — St. Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, and Rufinus, a priest of Aquileia, and Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus, and the Councils of Nicaea and Chalcedon — have said things not contradictory to one another but only different, all have, nevertheless, by their divisions, fitted the sacred books to the appropriate mysteries, as also happens in the harmonies of the Gospels where we regard the events with one faith although they differ in the way they are told."

— Cassiodorus, Institutiones I.14 (c. 543), in James W. Halporn's translation. The chapter (headed in the manuscripts as treating the divisions of the same books) is the place where Cassiodorus, having set out three different schemes for dividing and numbering Scripture — Jerome's, Augustine's, and the Septuagint's — reconciles them: the schemes differ in arrangement but agree in faith, like the four Gospels telling one story four ways. On this sentence Rudolph Cornely (S.J.) rests the second of three props for the thesis that the Council of Nicaea (325) itself took up the canon — that it ranks among the authorities who, by drawing up a division of the sacred books, treated the question of which books are Scripture.1

Who advances it

The proponent. Rudolph Cornely (1830–1908), author of the standard nineteenth-century Catholic Introductio to Scripture, lists the Cassiodorus passage among his evidences that the synod of Nicaea enumerated the sacred books. Cassiodorus, he reasons, recounts the council in the same breath, and the same order, as the individual Fathers (Hilary, Rufinus, Epiphanius) who are known to have drawn up canon-lists — so the council too must have produced a division of the books. This is the weakest of his three props: the first and strongest is Jerome's remark about Judith; the third is a heading in a single late codex of the Council of Hippo's canon.2

The adversaries. A. E. Breen, the Catholic introduction-scholar, treats the Cassiodorus prop as worthless: "some obscure words" that "form no forcible proof," and he observes that Cornely did not work them up from the text himself but took the citation from Karl Joseph von Hefele's Conciliengeschichte. The irony is that Hefele is the very historian who, elsewhere in the same work, explains why later sources kept associating Nicaea with catalogues and canons it never issued — because the Nicene canons stood at the head of the early conciliar collections, so later material was repeatedly relabelled "of Nicaea."3

The evidence for

What the claim has going for it. Steelmanned, the prop comes to this:

  1. A learned sixth-century writer does name Nicaea in connection with the sacred books. Cassiodorus was no careless compiler; he founded Vivarium, supervised the correction of biblical manuscripts, and had conciliar collections at hand. When such a man groups "the Councils of Nicaea and Chalcedon" with the Fathers who organized Scripture, the entry is at least real and deliberate.

  2. The company it keeps is canon-company. Hilary, Rufinus, and Epiphanius are all known precisely for their lists or arrangements of the biblical books. Placing the two councils alongside them shows that, by the mid-sixth century, Nicaea was at least thought of as having done something with the ordering of Scripture.

Adversarial assessment

What holds. Only the bare fact: a respectable sixth-century author associated Nicaea with the arrangement of the sacred books. That tells us something about the memory of Nicaea in Cassiodorus's day. It tells us nothing reliable about what happened in 325.

What fails — the leap from "Cassiodorus lists Nicaea among the dividers" to "Nicaea enacted or enumerated the canon."

  1. The chapter is about division, not selection. Cassiodorus is not asking which books are Scripture; he is reconciling three rival schemes for grouping and numbering books already received — Jerome's twenty-two, Augustine's, the Septuagint's seventy. "By their divisions … fitted the sacred books to the appropriate mysteries" means they sorted the accepted books into arrangements, as the Evangelists tell one story four ways. A division or arrangement of the canon is not a decree fixing the canon's contents — which is the only thing Cornely needs and the one thing the sentence does not supply.

  2. It pairs Nicaea with Chalcedon — and so proves too much. The very same sentence credits "the Councils of Nicaea and Chalcedon" with these divisions. No one — Cornely included — claims the Council of Chalcedon (451) drew up a list of the biblical books. Whatever Cassiodorus means by the councils' "divisions," then, it cannot be "promulgated a canon of Scripture," for on that reading Chalcedon would have done so too. The reading that saves the sentence is the modest one (the councils contributed to how the books are arranged or were loosely remembered among the authorities on Scripture); the reading Cornely wants collapses on its own example.

  3. It is late and second-hand evidence for 325. Cassiodorus wrote around 543, more than two centuries after Nicaea. He is no witness to the council's proceedings; he reports a sixth-century impression. And that impression is exactly the kind Hefele shows to be unreliable: because the genuine Nicene canons always headed the early conciliar corpus, later canon-material and lists drifted under Nicaea's name. A sixth-century association of Nicaea with the "divisions" of Scripture is far more likely a trace of that drift than a memory of a real 325 enactment.

  4. Cornely's own authority undercuts him. Breen points out that Cornely lifted the Cassiodorus citation from Hefele's Conciliengeschichte rather than weighing the passage afresh. But Hefele is the historian who documents the misattribution mechanism in detail — the Rome copy that combined Nicaea and Sardica sub uno titulo, the repeated mislabelling of later canons "of Nicaea." The source Cornely leans on for the prop is the same source that best explains why the prop is worthless.

  5. The council's own acts remain silent. As on every other prop for a Nicene canon-action, the decisive fact is negative: the twenty surviving canons of Nicaea and its synodal letter concern the Arian and Melitian schisms, the lapsed, the date of Easter, and clerical discipline — not the canon of Scripture, still less a division or enumeration of it. Eusebius and Athanasius, both present at Nicaea, go on treating the canon as still open. A "division of the sacred books" enacted at Nicaea would have left a trace in the council's own record; it left none.

Assessment

Unsupported. As a prop for the thesis that the Council of Nicaea took up or enumerated the canon, the Cassiodorus passage carries no real weight. The chapter concerns the division and numbering of books already received, not the selection of the canon; the sentence yokes Nicaea to Chalcedon, which decreed no canon, so its best reading cannot be the one Cornely needs; and as sixth-century, second-hand testimony to 325 it is more naturally read as an instance of the later drift of canon-material under Nicaea's name than as a memory of a real enactment — the very drift documented by Hefele, the source from which Cornely borrowed the citation. Breen's verdict — "obscure words" that "form no forcible proof" — stands. The interpretation's best available case rests not here but on Jerome's Preface to Judith, and even there it is only weak; on this prop alone it has no basis at all. (The popular form of the broader claim — that Nicaea fixed the whole Bible — is likewise unsupported.)

Sources


  1. Cassiodorus, Institutiones (Institutions of Divine and Secular Learning) I.14.3, trans. James W. Halporn, in Cassiodorus: Institutions of Divine and Secular Learning (also Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2004): "although many Fathers — St. Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, and Rufinus, a priest of Aquileia, and Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus, and the Councils of Nicaea and Chalcedon — have said things not contradictory to one another but only different, all have, nevertheless, by their divisions, fitted the sacred books to the appropriate mysteries." The chapter reconciles three schemes for dividing and numbering Scripture (Jerome's, Augustine's, and the Septuagint's); Cassiodorus's own manuscript, he notes, contained the Old Testament in forty-four books and the New in twenty-six, "seventy" in all — symbolizing, he suggests, the seventy palms of Elim (Exod. 15:27). The Latin (CSEL / Mynors ed.) reads the councils' act as a divisio, an arrangement of the books, not a determination of their number or canonicity. 

  2. Rudolph Cornely, S.J., Introductio specialis in historicos Veteris Testamenti libros (Paris, 1887), p. 24 (archive.org), adducing Cassiodorus, Institutiones I.14, as evidence that the synod of Nicaea enumerated the sacred books — the council "recounted" among the authorities who, by their divisions, fitted Scripture to the mysteries, in the same order as the Fathers (Hilary, Rufinus, Epiphanius) known for canon-lists. This is the second and weakest of Cornely's three props; the first is Jerome's Preface to Judith and the third the heading "Chapter XXIV of the Council of Nicaea" prefacing Hippo's canon 36 in the eighth/ninth-century Vallicellian codex (B.58), each weighed on its own page. 

  3. A. E. Breen, A General and Critical Introduction to the Study of Holy Scripture (1897), ch. VIII, p. 361 (footnote), on Cornely's props for a Nicene canon: the Cassiodorus passage is "some obscure words … [that] form no forcible proof," and Cornely drew the citation from Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, vol. II, p. 486, rather than the text itself. On the misattribution mechanism — the genuine Nicene canons heading the early conciliar corpus, so later canons and catalogues were repeatedly labelled "of Nicaea" (e.g. the Rome copy combining Nicaea and Sardica sub uno titulo) — see Karl Joseph von Hefele, A History of the Councils of the Church, vol. 1, pp. 367, 370–371. The twenty surviving Canons of Nicaea (NPNF² 14) say nothing of the canon of Scripture; Eusebius (Church History 3.25) and Athanasius (Festal Letter 39, 367), both present at the council, continue to treat the canon as unsettled.