Type: supporting argument (off-timeline) · Assessment: plausible — Acts does not say Judas bought the field, and it does not say why the field is called the field of blood. Ektēsato means “acquired, got,” not “purchased”; and where Matthew gives a cause for the name (“wherefore that field was called…”), Acts gives only a result — the affair became known, so that the field was called Akeldama — leaving the reason unstated. Read that way the two notices describe one plot, one transaction, and one name, with Matthew supplying the explanation Acts withholds. It falls short of settled because Acts on its own never links blood to that ground except through Judas’s death, because the earliest commentators on Acts read it exactly so, and because most critical scholarship takes the two verses as independent popular etymologies of a genuine Jerusalem place-name.
Related arguments: the two accounts of Judas’s end — see also Matthew’s hanging and Acts’ bursting: one death, told twice · Matthew’s repentant Judas and Acts’s silence; and, on the site rather than the text, Aceldama on the ground
[Matthew:] And they [the chief priests] took counsel, and bought with them the potter’s field, to bury strangers in. Wherefore that field was called, The field of blood, unto this day… [Acts:] Now this man [Judas] purchased a field with the reward of iniquity… and it was known unto all the dwellers at Jerusalem; insomuch as that field is called in their proper tongue, Aceldama, that is to say, The field of blood.
— Matthew 27:7–8 and Acts 1:18–19. The reading weighed here is that these are two notices about one plot of ground — one purchase, made with Judas’s betrayal-money and so reckoned his, and one name, whose reason Matthew states and Acts leaves unsaid — and not two rival stories about who bought what and why it was called what it was.1
Acts does not say Judas bought anything. The verb is ektēsato, aorist of ktaomai, and the standard lexicon of classical Greek never glosses it “buy.” Its senses are “procure for oneself, get, acquire,” and, in a branch that matters here, “bring upon oneself, incur” — one may ktaomai a death, a calamity, a reputation for impiety. Luke uses it four other times and not once of a cash purchase: the disciples are to ktaomai their souls (Luke 21:19), the Pharisee tithes all he ktaomai’s, meaning his income (Luke 18:12), and Claudius Lysias “with a great sum obtained” Roman citizenship through intermediaries (Acts 22:28). The price in Acts 1:18 is carried by the prepositional phrase — ek misthou tēs adikias, out of the wages of unrighteousness — not by the verb. Ellicott puts it flatly: “Better, acquired, got possession of, a field, the Greek not necessarily including the idea of buying.” So the two texts are not, on their face, saying different things about who handed over money; Matthew says who transacted, and Acts says whose the acquisition was.2
Acts gives no reason for the name. This is the load-bearing point, and it is grammatical. Matthew explains the name with a causal connective: dio, “for this reason that field has been called the field of blood to this day” — and the reason he has just given is that the silver was “the price of blood.” Acts uses hōste, which introduces a result, and its main clause has no expressed subject at all: kai gnōston egeneto pasi tois katoikousin Ierousalēm, hōste klēthēnai to chōrion ekeino… — “and [it] became known to all the inhabitants of Jerusalem, with the result that that field was called Akeldama.” What became known, Luke does not say; that the field came to bear the name is the consequence, not the explanation. Bengel refers the unexpressed subject to the opening of the previous verse — the acquisition out of the wages of iniquity, which is precisely Matthew’s ground; Meyer refers it to the whole verse; Gill to the whole affair, betrayal, price, field and death together. On none of these readings does Acts assert a second etymology. It is the reader who supplies one. And once that is seen, the older exegetes’ question is not a dodge but the obvious one — Knowling: “It is true that the two accounts in St. Matthew and St. Luke give two reasons for the name Field of Blood. But why should there not be two reasons?”; Hackett: “the ill-omened name could be used with a double emphasis.”3
The reading is the ancient one, and it is continuous. Reconciling the buyer is not a modern expedient. Chrysostom, preaching on Acts about 400, states it as a matter of ordinary equity: “And the field may well be called his. For he who cast down the price, although others were the buyers, has a right to be himself reckoned owner of a great desolation.” Gregory the Great, about 590, makes it a point of scriptural idiom, listing it beside Job’s “mine own clothes shall abhor me”:
For Judas never could have purchased the potter’s field, which was bought with the price of blood, in that restoring the thirty pieces of silver, he straightway punished the guilt of the betrayal by a death with greater guilt inflicted on himself, but ‘he purchased’ is rendered, he ‘was the cause of purchasing.’
Bede carries Gregory’s solution into his commentary on Acts, Job-parallel and all — “according to the manner of sacred speech, it is said he possessed what he caused to be possessed.” Oecumenius, in the Greek commentary tradition, poses the difficulty in so many words and answers it: “For he himself did not buy the field, but the priests, from the silver thrown down by him in the temple. Since, then, these things are the wage of Judas’ betrayal, the acquisition is also reckoned to him.” Theophylact repeats it as a rule of ownership: “the owner in fairness should be considered the one who put up the money, even if others made the purchase.” Five writers across seven centuries, Greek and Latin, and no one in the patristic record proposes that the two notices cannot be reconciled.4
Both writers are reporting a name already in use. Matthew’s “unto this day” and Acts’ “in their proper tongue” are the marks of a toponym in circulation, not of a coinage. The critical side concedes as much and more. Barrett, who denies that the accounts can be harmonized, judges that they share “knowledge of the existence in Jerusalem of a field called Blood Field, which had at some earlier stage come to be associated with Judas (for it is most unlikely that Matthew and Luke should both, independently, have made the association).” Bart Ehrman takes the name to be pre-Christian, attaching to a red-clay potters’ ground in Jerusalem. If a Judas-and-field tradition already stood behind both writers, the presumption shifts: two authors are drawing on one memory, and the burden lies on showing that they contradict rather than that they differ. The site itself is attested early — Eusebius points to Akeldama in the fourth century and Jerome places it on the southern slope below Mount Zion, where a strip of the Hinnom valley served as a burial ground for foreigners.5
Acts, read alone, does not get to “blood” except through Judas. This is the serious objection, and August Klostermann framed it sharply in 1883: in Acts the middle term is missing — there is no blood-money, no blood-sale, no blood-betrayal in the verse. Luke says Judas acquired the field out of the wages of unrighteousness; if the name followed from the acquisition, the field should be the field of unrighteousness. What Acts does put on that ground is a ruptured body. So while Luke states no etymology, the only blood his own narrative supplies is Judas’s, and readers have taken it that way from the first. Chrysostom, the earliest surviving commentator on the verse, is explicit: “Now the Jews gave it this name, not on this account, but because of Judas.” Theophylact repeats him — the Jews named the village “on account of what happened with Judas.” The two-reasons reading is not, then, a case of a modern critic importing a distinction the ancients never felt; the ancients felt it, and the greatest of the Greek commentators resolved it by separating the two reasons and assigning them to different speakers, not by holding both.6
The name may not have meant “blood” at all. The best-attested Greek form of the Aramaic in Acts is Hakeldamach, with a final chi — so the earliest papyrus, Sinaiticus, Alexandrinus and Vaticanus. Taken as it stands, that final consonant yields “field of thy blood,” which is impossible in a place-name. The usual answer is that the chi is an artefact of transliteration, on the analogy of Ben Sira appearing in Greek as Sirach. Klostermann proposed instead that it is radical: Aramaic dmk, “to sleep,” used of rest in the grave, would make Akeldama the “field of sleep” — a cemetery, exactly what Matthew says the plot was bought to be. On that reading both evangelists are explaining a name that never referred to blood at all, and the harmonization is reconciling two folk etymologies rather than recovering one true reason. The proposal is a minority one and the standard reference works reject it, but it is not fanciful, and it shows how thin the ground under any etymology here is.7
Three props usually offered for the harmony do not bear weight. (i) The “fiction of law.” It is often said that Jewish law required unlawfully gained money refused by the Temple to be restored to the donor, so that the field legally remained Judas’s purchase. This traces to Alfred Edersheim in 1883, who asserted it with no rabbinic citation; Vincent and the Pulpit Commentary copied it, Knowling and A. T. Robertson repeated it only as a possibility, and John Nolland reports that the rabbinic sources show no such interpretation. The nearest genuine texts — the ruling that a robber’s unclaimable gains go to public works, and the ruling that leftover burial funds go to the dead man’s heirs — are later and say something else. Nothing establishes that title accrued to Judas’s estate. (ii) The causative form. Several popular treatments claim the Greek of Acts 1:18 is grammatically causative, “caused to be purchased.” It is not: ektesato is the ordinary aorist middle, and ktaomai has no causative morphology. Whatever mediated force the word carries comes from idiom and context, which is enough, and the grammatical claim should be dropped. (iii) Two different fields. The proposal that Matthew’s agros and Acts’ chōrion are separate plots bought with different money is unnecessary and unsupported; Ellicott dismissed it in a line.8
And the weight of critical commentary is against it. Barrett, Zwiep, Lindars and Nellessen all read Matthew’s and Acts’ notices as independent developments around a shared place-name, with each author’s explanation shaped by the scriptural point he is making — Matthew toward the potter and the thirty pieces, Peter toward the desolate habitation of Psalm 69. Zwiep states the divergence in its usual form: in Matthew the name refers to the blood of Jesus, in Acts to the blood of Judas. Papias, within a generation or two, supplies a third account of why the ground was shunned — the stench of the swollen traitor left it uninhabited — which is what one expects of a notorious site that accumulates stories.6
Plausible. Two questions, again, have to be kept apart. The popular apologetic case rests partly on props that fail: there is no documented Jewish law making the field Judas’s in title, there is no causative in the Greek, and there were not two fields. The interpretation those props were meant to serve does not need them. On the buyer the case is strong enough to be near settled: ektēsato does not mean “bought,” Luke never uses it of a cash purchase, and the reading that Judas acquired what his money acquired for him is the unbroken judgment of the commentators from Chrysostom to Theophylact, offered as ordinary idiom rather than as a repair. On the name the case is real but lighter. Matthew explains the name and Acts does not; Luke gives a consequence where Matthew gives a cause, and the second etymology usually set against Matthew is an inference from Luke’s silence rather than a statement of his text.
What holds the whole short of probable is that Luke’s silence sits next to a burst body and nothing else bloody, so the inference readers draw is a natural one and not a modern imposition — Chrysostom drew it; that the Aramaic behind the name is unstable enough that both explanations may be later rationalizations of a word that meant something else; and that most who work closely on Acts read the two verses as separate traditions attached to a real plot of ground. The notices can describe one purchase and one name without straining either text. That they do is not demonstrated. What both writers plainly attest is the same: the betrayal-money bought a field, the field was a burial ground known in Jerusalem by an Aramaic name, and Judas’s end was bound up with it.
The texts: Matthew 27:3–10 (priests buy the potter’s field with the returned blood-money) and Acts 1:16–20 (Judas “purchased a field,” Aceldama named in the hearing of all Jerusalem). Both are set out on the New Testament detail page. ↩
Ktaomai: Liddell–Scott–Jones, s.v. — “procure for oneself, get, acquire,” and of consequences “bring upon oneself, incur” (ἀυτῷ θάνατον, Sophocles, Ajax 968); no sense “buy” is given. Thayer, s.v., places Acts 1:18 under acquisition “with ἐκ and the genitive of price” — the price is in the preposition; Mounce glosses the verse “to be the cause or occasion of purchasing.” Lukan usage: Luke 21:19, Luke 18:12, Acts 22:28 (citizenship obtained “with a great sum” through officials); the full concordance is at BibleHub. Ellicott (quoted) and the other older commentators on the verse: Acts 1:18 commentaries. ↩
The Greek of Acts 1:19, word-parsed: καὶ γνωστὸν ἐγένετο πᾶσι τοῖς κατοικοῦσιν Ἰερουσαλήμ, ὥστε κληθῆναι τὸ χωρίον ἐκεῖνον… — a neuter predicate with no expressed subject, followed by a ὥστε result clause; against Matthew 27:8’s causal διό. The referent of the unexpressed subject is disputed among the older exegetes — Bengel (“that which is mentioned in the beginning of Acts 1:18”), Meyer (all of v. 18), the Cambridge Bible (the fate and the purchase-money together), Gill (the whole affair) — all at Acts 1:19 commentaries, where R. J. Knowling’s Expositor’s Greek Testament note (“why should there not be two reasons?”) also stands; Hackett is quoted by A. T. Robertson, Word Pictures, on Acts 1:19 (“the ill-omened name could be used with a double emphasis”), collected at Precept Austin, Acts 1. Grant R. Osborne, Matthew (Zondervan Exegetical Commentary; Zondervan, 2010), 1013, likewise calls the naming “a both-and rather than an either-or.” The sharpest statement of the contrary case, resting on exactly this διό/ὥστε contrast, is “The Deaths of Judas,” Amateur Exegete. ↩
John Chrysostom (c. 400), Homilies on Acts 3, on 1:18–20 (quoted). Gregory the Great (c. 590), Morals on the Book of Job IX, on Job 9:31 (quoted). Bede (735), Commentary on Acts, on 1:18 (quoted), reproducing Gregory. Oecumenius (c. 550), Commentary on Acts, on 1:16–20 (quoted). Theophylact of Ohrid (c. 1107), Commentary on Acts, on 1:17 (quoted). The Latin form of the same idiom — qui facit per alium, facit per se, with Matthew 27:60 (“his own new tomb, which he had hewn out”) and John 4:1–2 as scriptural parallels — is set out by Barnes on Acts 1:18. ↩
C. K. Barrett, The Acts of the Apostles 1 (ICC; T&T Clark, 1994), 98 (quoted). Ehrman on Akeldama as a pre-Christian name for a red-clay potters’ ground: “Can We Know Anything Historically about How Judas Iscariot Died?” Eusebius of Caesarea (c. 325), Onomasticon, s.v. Akeldama, and s.v. Topheth, which places the field beside the Fuller’s Pool in the Hinnom; Jerome’s Latin version puts it ad australem plagam montis Sion, on the southern slope (Latin text), and Bede follows him (Questions on Kings 27). The earliest pilgrim notice of the strip as a burial ground for foreigners is Antoninus of Piacenza, c. 560; three Second Temple rock-cut tombs were excavated on the slope in 1989 — Gideon Avni and Zvi Greenhut, The Akeldama Tombs: Three Burial Caves in the Kidron Valley, Jerusalem (IAA Reports 1; Israel Antiquities Authority, 1996), 1–2. That the plot was a working potters’ clay-ground rests on Matthew’s phrase, on the Hinnom’s red clay reported by nineteenth-century travellers (Jewish Encyclopedia, “Aceldama”), and on the proximity of Jeremiah’s potter and Potsherd Gate (Jeremiah 19); no pottery-production installation has been excavated there. ↩
August Klostermann, Probleme im Aposteltexte neu erörtert (Gotha, 1883), 1–8: Acts never says blood was shed on the field and never identifies the place of the death with the χωρίον acquired, so “the middle concept of blood-money, blood-sale, blood-betrayal is missing” — had the name followed from the acquisition it should have been the field of unrighteousness. John Chrysostom, Homilies on Acts 3, on 1:19 (quoted); Theophylact of Ohrid, Commentary on Acts, on 1:19 (quoted). The two-traditions reading: Barrett, Acts 1 (ICC), 98; Arie W. Zwiep, Judas and the Choice of Matthias (WUNT 2/187; Mohr Siebeck, 2004), 17, 74, 150 (“The implication in Matthew is that the location name refers to the blood of Jesus, whereas in Acts the name refers to the blood of Judas”), with his shorter restatement at “Judas Iskariot,” Kerk en Theologie 71 (2020), 37–54; Barnabas Lindars, New Testament Apologetic (SCM, 1961), 122, who takes the Acts narrative to be the earlier; Ernst Nellessen, “Tradition und Schrift in der Perikope von der Erwählung des Mattias” (1976), reconstructing a pre-Lukan tradition of the death in connection with the Field of Blood (reported by Zwiep, 21). Papias’s third account of why the ground was shunned: Fragments III, treated on the Papias detail page. ↩ ↩
The manuscript spread — Ἑκελδαμάχ in 𝓟74, Sinaiticus, Alexandrinus, Vaticanus, 81, 1175 and most Latin witnesses, against Ἀκελδαμά in C, Ψ and the majority text — is tabulated by Bruce Terry, A Student’s Guide to New Testament Textual Variants, Acts 1. On the final chi as a transliteration artefact, on the analogy of Ben Sira / Σιράχ, see Knowling in the Expositor’s Greek Testament on Acts 1:19, citing Blass, Grammatik des neutestamentlichen Griechisch, 13. Klostermann’s “field of sleep” proposal, taking the χ as radical (Aramaic dmk, to sleep, of rest in the grave, so Todesacker): Probleme im Aposteltexte, 1–8; it was taken up by Wendt and noticed by Holtzmann, Felten and Zöckler, and is rejected by the standard reference works — see “Aceldama,” Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed., 1911), which states both options. ↩
The “fiction of law” originates with Alfred Edersheim, The Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah (1883), II.575: “By a fiction of law the money was still considered to be Judas’, and to have been applied by him in the purchase of the well-known ‘potter’s field.’” Edersheim attaches no rabbinic citation to the legal claim; Vincent’s Word Studies and the Pulpit Commentary on Matthew 27:6 reproduce it unattributed, while Knowling (“possibly… may help to explain the difficulty”) and A. T. Robertson (“but it is possible”) mark it as conjecture. John Nolland, The Gospel of Matthew (NIGTC; Eerdmans, 2005), on 27:6, reports that the rabbinic sources show no such interpretation of Deuteronomy 23:18. The nearest genuine rulings are b. Bava Kamma 94b (a robber’s unclaimable gains applied to public works) and m. Sheqalim 2:5 (surplus burial funds to the heirs) — both later, and neither about a refused Temple offering or about title vesting in the donor. On the grammar: ἐκτήσατο is the ordinary aorist middle of a deponent verb and carries no causative morphology (parsing). The two-fields proposal is E. W. Bullinger, The Companion Bible, Appendix 161; Ellicott answers it on Acts 1:18: “Nor is there any necessity for assuming, as some have done, that there were two fields known as Aceldama.” ↩